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maandag 12 oktober 2015

From Major to Minor: The Rise of Independent Labels in Today's Music Industries

The music industry is undergoing a major paradigm shift. After the homogenisation of the major labels, we now see a massive rise of independent record companies.[1] In a way, this is not surprising. The three remaining majors, Sony, Warners, and Universal are industrialised enterprises; they invest in music and are interested in talent, but all of this with the main goal of commercial profit. They “held all the cards and could manipulate and orchestrate the marketplace to do whatever they wanted,”[2] held being the key word, as we see a growth of small independent labels. The monopolising labels are an example of what has been described as the commercialisation and routinisation of culture and cultural products, or the military industrial complex.[3] The monopolising labels produce albums through pre-formulated strategies, from production to marketing and from social media to tours. This way, companies can produce and release more albums at a quicker pace, resulting in a higher profit.

The market share of independent labels is growing

Independents however, seem to act out of love of music and a passion for the craft. And exactly this affection is what differentiates the little labels in today’s market. We, the consumers of music, do no longer make our musical decisions solemnly based on what those with the money, the majors, tell us. Through social media and the use of the Internet we have agency, and we use that agency to listen to the music we like, whether the artist is signed with Sony or an indie. Something that we found very interesting is, that within the record label industry, there are musicians ditching their old label to start one themselves. This blog will look at some of these musicians and how the workings of the creative industries and the consumption of culture in today’s global society allows for these musicians to become independent label owners. We are certainly not trying to downplay the complex workings of the music industry but rather shining a light on the increasing number of independent labels owned by musicians and why this increase is possible in today’s society.


The phenomenon of musicians-turned-label-boss is not new, bands like The Rolling Stones and The Beatles also started their own labels back in the day. But they released their own music, rather than exposing (new) artists, which is what is more common today. It is likely that marketing of an artist in the sixties and seventies was still very dependent on the kind of money and means available only through the majors. Today, though the majors are still influential, music does not depend solemnly on those labels anymore. Through the power of social structures and consumer agency these independent labels have a market, since individuals are “more aesthetically reflexive and semiotically literate.”[4] Consumers are capable of ignoring the majors, instead investing in music they connect with, whether or not that music comes with the spectacle we often see with major releases by the Big Three. A successful musician can now launch a new career by posting a video on social media, or, in other words, through the convergence “of different media and technologies [musicians can] tell their stories using different platforms, engaging consumers [fans] on different levels, using different media at the same time.”[5] Moreover because all other tasks can be outsourced, a musician can start a label with the romantic notion of exposing new talent.[6] As Ed Sheeran recently said when talking about his label Gingerbread Man Records, “I don’t do much of the work, most of the work is done by my team.” He does not busy himself with “crunching numbers or worrying about deadlines and meetings.” Sheeran seems to adapt  more of a guiding position, rather than offering the business know-how and contacts, as the more traditional labels tend to do.


In 2001, musician Jack White started his now highly successful label Third Man Records. Today the label is situated in Nashville, Tennessee and has expanded to include a music venue, recording studio, video studio, distribution center, vinyl press plant, and a novelties & record store. First, it is interesting to realise that the blurring of the line between professional and amateur creatives, which is what happens when musicians launch their own label, is actually a form of media convergence. There is a certain agency at play that allows these musicians to “embody, perform, reflect on, and actually become media producers,”[7] or in this case a record label owner. It seems like the consumer values the opinion of what artists like Jack White and Ed Sheeran find interesting. Moreover, as Third Man employee Ben Blackwell points out, “anything we can do in-house we want to do in-house. Whether this is visual design, whether it is pick-and-pack mail order, shipping, web design, running the fan club, all that stuff. Putting on live-shows, having our own record store.” By keeping everything within the company, Third Man is controlling both the management of creativity and the commercial side.”[8] Third Man Records is a prime example when looking at the blurring of “boundaries between economy and culture,” and moreover the importance of symbolic value within a commercial business.[9] Making money may not be the main motive, it is still a condition for the label’s existence. 



As the video above shows, Third Man Records has created an experience beyond the literal consumption of music, something that can be considered almost alien in today’s society, where most of the music is consumed digitally and online.  But there is market for the physical experience of engaging music outside of actual live performances. Important to note here, is that Third Man is situated in Nashville, and close to New Orleans and Memphis. Together these cities form a triangle of creative cities with a rich musical culture. These cities are not only buzzing with professionals and (wannabe) musicians, but also tourists that come to experience this musical culture.  It makes sense for Third Man to have a market within the triangle, as the clustering of creative talent and resources tends to “catalyse a flurry of economic, cultural, and social activities in those regions, reinvigorating those areas.”[10]


Moreover, what Third Man does very brilliantly is hooking onto the growing popularity of vinyl, not only by releasing their new music through this format, but also re-releasing valuable recordings, for example by partnering up with the legendary Sun Studios to re-release classic singles.  We can see here that the “behaviours and passions of consumers have become more likely to propel business into action, steering product development innovation and differentiation.”[11]


The winner of Joss Stone's cover art contest. 
Another artist that set up her own label to pursue making music rather than money is Joss StoneOn multiple occasions Stone advocated in favor of people consuming music of established artists for free and give money to starting artists. By saying that people can download music for free anyway, Joss Stone highlights how “social structures do not always conform with the processes inferred by industrialisation.”[12] Joss Stone makes use of the modern phenomenon that “users and consumers [are also] producers and prosumers,”[13]  and organised a contest where individuals could submit their version of the next album’s artwork. Her own label, under which the album was released, allowed Stone the creative control over things such as the cover art.


The rise of independent labels, and in this case labels owned by established musicians, is both interesting and fascinating to look at in relation to the changes that are occurring in the media industriesThe Internet is seen as possibility homogenising, since local cultures become more and more globalised. But as we see with the rise of independents, there is also a growing market for smaller labels that are not focused as much on creating the biggest revenue and producing music for the masses, but rather care more about the creative freedom often not permitted by the major labels. Ed Sheeran signed his first artist, Jamie Lawson, because he believes in his talent. Sheeran’s (online) popularity can be used to promote Lawson through social media. Here we see one example of how globalisation and digitalisation allow for independent records to carry success, as they can easily and cheaply build on existing online networks. Moreover Joss Stone started her label to get back her creative freedom, by doing the things she personally believes in. Stone used her network to encourage audience participation by setting up an album-cover design contest. Lastly this blog looked at Jack White’s Third Man Records, a business that goes beyond the releasing of (new) music, showing how media convergence allows for success in the label industry, even as a non-professional. The Third Man case study also proves how (small) creative businesses are important to thriving cities, and that by
Recording your own song directly on disc is part of the
experience of Third Man Novelties & Record Store
making use of the rising popularity of vinyl and the growing interest in the shopping experience (or experience economy), that there is still a physical market for a business that has been predominantly digital over the past decade. The bottom line is, that the labels discussed in this blog can exist because audiences and consumers are letting them exist, by putting time, effort, and money into it.





                                                                  


We highlighted the rise of the independents but which way do you think the industry will go?
 

DL, NS, EH, LD, KH







[1]“Independent music is a growing force in the global market,” musicbusinessworldwide.com, July 21, 2015, accessed October 7, 2015, http://www.musicbusinessworldwide.com/independent-music-is-a-growing-force-in-the-global-market/.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Schiller & Phillips qtd in Vicki Mayer “Making Media Production Visible.”
[4] Mark Deuze, “Creative Industries, Convergence Culture and Media Work,“ in Media Work, 47
[5] Ibid, 71.
[6] Vicki Mayer “Making Media Production Visible,” in The International Encyclopedia of Media Studies (Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2013), 10.
[7] Vicki Mayer “Making Media Production Visible,” 4.
[8] Mark Deuze, “Creative Industries, Convergence Culture and Media Work,“ 65.
[9] Ibid, 46.
[10] Mark Deuze, “Creative Industries, Convergence Culture and Media Work,“ 50
[11] Ibid, 47.
[12] Vicki Mayer “Making Media Production Visible,” 3.
[13] Ibid, 21.




Bibliography

Deuze, Mark. “Creative Industries, Convergence Culture and Media Work.“ In Media Work.

Mayer, Vicki. ”Making Media Production Visible.” In The International Encyclopedia of Media Studies. Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2013.

“Independent music is a growing force in the global market.” Musicbusinessworldwide.com. July 21, 2015. Accessed October 7, 2015, http://www.musicbusinessworldwide.com/independent-music-is-a-growing-force-in-the-global-market/.

maandag 5 oktober 2015

The effects media policy has on cities and countries. Sex and the City: ‘Break-ups: bad for the heart, good for the economy’


The centre of the Modern art world shifted from Europe to the USA after the Second World War. [1]Many artists had fled the horrors of the war, and went to live and work in one specific city: New York.[2] A large number of ‘galleries, subsidized educational institutions’ were built in New York after the war, which made New York an attractive hub for creative talent.[3] Artists weren’t the only creatives living in New York at that time. New York, together with London and Hollywood, was one of the centres of ‘news, publishing, advertising’, and served as ‘headquarter to the world’s wealthiest media conglomerates’.[4]

Even though there are several cities in which media capital has grown exponentially over the past few years, New York remains the home of some of the largest media conglomerates worldwide.[5] How did the city manage to attract a creative workforce, and how was this creative migration managed? New York was a wealthy city, and money attracts labour. According to Professor Michael Curtin this money should be spend wisely if a city wants to preserve its status as a creative city, and should be spend to support already existing creative initiatives in the city.[6] In addition, Curtin writes that the ‘residual aura’ of the city might play a role as well. Storper and Chrisopherson argue that it is necessary to have ‘frequent transactions’ between different creative workers in order to support the growth of the creative sector in a city.[7] This seems very logical in this age of short-term contracts in the creative industries: people remain ‘close to the largest pool of employment opportunities’.[8]

The growth of a cultural cluster hereby strengthens itself through time. Much research has been done about the impact that human capital has on the development of cities. An example of this is the book Cities and the Creative Class by Richard Florida in which he did research on the factors that attract human capital to a city. Both lifestyle amenities and tolerance appeared to be fundamental for a city’s attractiveness for people with a high amount of human capital.[9]

One of the most well known TV-series that is set in New York is Sex and the City. This series follows the glamorous lives of New York based writer Carrie Bradshaw (played by Sarah Jessica Parker) and her friends Miranda, Samantha and Charlotte. Carrie is a writer, and Charlotte is a curator at a gallery in New York. The series thus portrays these people with high human capital in the city of New York and the professions of these characters link the show to the concept of the creative city. The lifestyle amenities are highlighted thoroughly throughout the series. The characters frequented just opened nightclubs, cafés and restaurants and went to several museums and cinemas. The series have been very successful, and are still attracting tourists to New York today.[10] The series highlighted several lifestyle amenities, and there are special Sex and the City tours throughout the city. During these tours you can drink a cosmopolitan (the signature drink of the series), and you visit sites that were frequented by the series’ characters. These sites have, according to Professor Stijn Reijnders, now become lieux d’imagination: physical traces ‘which might serve as an entryway to another, imagined world’.[11]

Even today young, highly educated creatives enter New York City with the notion they will be diving right in to a Carrie Bradshaw lifestyle.[12] But New York is expensive and the lifestyle of writer, or any other creative, does not look like that of Carrie. Where she got money for all those cosmopolitans and that beautiful Upper East Side apartment is beyond us. New York is difficult, “once the initial excitement of living in the Big Apple dies down, it suddenly becomes clear how hard it is to purely exist, let alone thrive.”[13] It is interesting that New York still holds a high concentration of creative labour, while most of these individuals are breaking the bank to afford to live within this realm.[14] Especially those that are expected to participate in higher class circles. As long as the majority of creatives are staying in the Big Apple, the city will stay a centre of creativity.[15]

The series was not only a way to market the city of New York. The media industry in the United States is an example of a media industry that has been reviewed as a so-called market model. The series were produced by cable channel HBO, which ‘started using original programming as a way of differentiating its channel identity from other cable services’ in the 1980s.[16] The channel became known for its high quality series, and aired the Sex and the City series between 1998 and 2004. According to Johnson, these high quality series ‘provided a justification for its high subscription fees’.[17] HBO wanted to appeal to a more upmarket audience that was able to pay the high subscription fees. In this model ‘networks are really responding to advertisers, not viewers’.[18] With its upmarket audience, the Sex and the City series was incredibly appealing to many brands, and the series has become known for its ‘loose attitude towards product placement’.[19] The first the Sex and the City Movie was sponsored by at least eight ‘‘promotional partnerships’ with at least eight companies whose products appear in the film’.[20] According to professor Elayne Rapping, the series is ‘very much a female fantasy of what working women wish they had, but we all know we don't have’.[21] In the movie ‘consumption is stimulated and satisfaction becomes associated with the buying of commodities’.[22]

Although the series has been very successful, it has also been criticized. Media brand VICE criticized  the series because of its ‘shocking lack of diversity and its awkward insistence on gender tropes, among other offenses’.[23] According to David Croteau & William Hoynes the media have the ‘potential to promote social integration’.[24] Since the series mostly has an all-white cast, the Sex and the City series has not been a good example of showing society’s diversity and enhancing tolerance. This shows the major flaw of the market model in the media industries: it often does not ‘sustain a diversity of voices in a global era’.[25] As Hesmondalgh stated: ‘The most difficult question of all is whether or not texts promote the interests of businesses and dominant social groups by encouraging political and economic stability and discouraging progressive social change’.[26] Thus confirming the status and wealth of already existing media conglomerates. Sex and the City clearly confirms New York’s status as a creative city, but denies New York’s racial diversity.





Bibliography

Croteau, D., and Hoynes, W., (2006), ‘Media, markets and the public sphere’, in: The Business of Media: Corporate Media and the Public Interest. Thousand Oaks: Pine Forge Press, pp. 15-40.

Curtin, M., (2011)’Global Media Capital and Local Media Policy’, in: J. Wasko, G. Murdock and H. Sousa (eds), The Handbook of Political Economy of Communications. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, pp. 541-557.

Davies, R. & Sigthorsson, G., (2013). Introducing the creative industries: from theory to practice. SAGE Publications Limited., p. 183.

Florida, R. (2005). Cities and the creative class. Routledge.

Johnson, C. (2012) Branding Television. Abingdon: Routledge. An in-depth stud of branding strategies in UK and US television.

Reijnders, S. (2010), ’Places of the imagination: an ethnography of the TV detective tour’, in: Cultural Geographies 17 (1), pp. 37-52.

Storper, M., & Christopherson, S. (1987). Flexible specialization and regional industrial agglomerations: the case of the US motion picture industry. Annals of the association of American geographers77(1), 104-117.

Other








[2] Ibid.
[3] Michael Curtin (2011)’Global Media Capital and Local Media Policy’, in: J. Wasko, G. Murdock and H. Sousa (eds), The Handbook of Political Economy of Communications. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, pp. 546-547.
[4] Ibid., p 541.
[5] Ibid., pp. 546-547.
[6] Ibid., p.552.
[7] Ibid., p. 547.
[8] M. Storper and S. Christopherson, (1987) Flexible specialization and regional industrial agglomerations: The case of the U.S. motion picture industry. Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 77 (1), p. Sorper and Christopherson 1987, p. 110.
[9]  R. Florida, (2005). Cities and the creative class. Routledge, pp. 90-91.
[10] Stijn Reijnders (2010), ’Places of the imagination: an ethnography of the TV detective tour’, in: Cultural Geographies 17 (1), p. 48.
[12] Ibid.
[13] Curtin, p. 545.
[14] Ibid., p. 548.
[15]  R. Davies, & G. Sigthorsson, (2013). Introducing the creative industries: from theory to practice. SAGE Publications Limited., p. 183.
[16] Johnson, C. (2012) Branding Television. Abingdon: Routledge. An in-depth stud of branding strategies in UK and US television, p. 30.
[17] D. Croteau & W. Hoynes (2006), ‘Media, markets and the public sphere’, in: The Business of Media: Corporate Media and the Public Interest. Thousand Oaks: Pine Forge Press, p. 29.
[20] Ibid.
[21] Hesmondhalgh, D. (2007). The cultural industries. p. 90.
[22]  A. Conti, ‘ I went on a ‘Sex and the City’ Tour of a Bizarro Version of New York City’, < http://www.vice.com/read/who-still-goes-on-a-sex-and-the-city-tour-in-2015  > (4 October 2015).
[23] Croteau & Hoynes, p. 30.
[24] Curtin, p. 555.
[25] Ibid
[26] Hesmondalgh, p. 90.